Details for: Kaingang Paraná
Kaingang Paraná
Alternative names:
Dialect of:
Genetic affiliation:
Paraná, Brazil. Other dialects are spoken in the states of São Paulo, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.
Number of speakers:
Syllable types:
Restrictions on single onsets:
No, all consonants and glides can be onsets
Restrictions on onset clusters:
Yes, only non-coronal nasal and oral plosives +/r/ can be onsets
Restrictions on single codas:
Yes, only nasal consonants, glides, and /r/ are allowed in the coda. When in the coda, glides and /r/ are followed by echo vowels.
Restrictions on coda clusters:
Yes, no clusters in coda
Voiced-voiceless stop contrast:
Nasal contrast on consonants:
Nasal-voiced stop contrast:
Nasal-voiced stop contrast restrictions:
Nasal-voiceless stop contrast:
Nasal-voiceless stop contrast restrictions:
Nasal consonants realize 4 places of articulation: labial, coronal [+anterior], coronal [-anterior] (= palatal), and dorsal.In the voiceless series, the [coronal, - anterior] /c/ is lacking.
Nasal-oral vowel contrast:
Nasal-oral vowel contrast restrictions:
Nasal assimilation:
Trigger segments class:
all nasal vowels
Trigger segments list:
ĩ, æ̃, ə̃, ã, õ
Conditions on trigger segments:
Target segments class:
all voiceless stops (become prenasalized)
Target segments list:
p, t, k
Conditions on target segments:
Nasal harmony:
Domain of spreading:
Trigger segments class:
all vowels
Trigger segments list:
ĩ, æ̃, ə̃, ã, õ, i, e, ɛ,ɨ,ɘ,a, u, o, ɔ
Conditions on trigger segments:
triggers and targets are tautosyllabic
Target segments class:
sonorant segments
Target segments list:
w, j, r,m, n, ɲ, ŋ
Conditions on target segments:
triggers and targets are tautosyllabic
Transparent segments class:
Transparent segments list:
Blockers class:
voicesless consonants
Blockers list:
Prenasalization of blockers:
Postnasalization of blockers:
Nasal morphemes:
Commutation level:
Spreading source:
Floating nasal:
Stylistic conditions:
Adjacency conditions:
Contour segments:
Source of contour segments:
spreading of orality
Examples of contour segments:
[bm] [hɨbm] frog
[bmb] [kebmba] try out
[mb] [mba] carrying
Triple contours can be shown to derive from heterosyllabic nasal phonemes (see Wetzels (2009). In a different analysis, the underlying contrast could be taken to be one between [+voice] and [-voice] consonants. Nasal consonants could in this analysis be derived from voiced consonants through spreading of nasality from a tautosyllabic nasal vowel. Pre- and postnasalization of voiced consonants could be seen as voicing enhancement (as was proposed in Wetzels, 1995). See also Page 'Remarks' below.
Anomalous segments:
Consonant examples:
/pɔ/ stone, /ki/ in, /ta/ rain, /ʔe/ much, /mãn/ again, /nõŋ/ to pull up, /ɲeɲ/ to squish, /ŋãm/ to break, /ɸe/ stomac, /si/ old, /hi/ she, /re/ grass, /wɔ/ no, /je/ bee
Oral vowel examples:
/ti/ he, /keje/ grave, /mɛ/ sheep, /ŋɨ/ very, /tə/ from, /ta/ rain, /tu/ carry, /roro/ round, /tɔ/ say
Nasal vowel examples:
/tĩ/ go, /tæ̃/ fly, /pə̃n/ snake, /prã/ bite, /nõn/ put to sleep
Stress rule(s):
Word-final, some exceptions in function words, which may have initial stress
Stress source(s):
Wiesemann, 1972:56 and 79-81
The Kaingang phonemic system lacks a triple opposition between voiced, voiceless, and nasal consonants, a characteristic that it shares with a considerable number of indigenous languages of the Americas. Instead, it opposes a series of voiceless consonants to a series of consonants that have nasal [m], pre-oralized [bm], post-oralized [mb], and circum-oralized [bmb] allophones in complementary distribution. It is possible in principle to analyze this consonant system as opposing voiceless (p, t, k) to non-sonorant voiced sounds (b, d, ɟ, g) in which case the target class for tautosyllabic nasal spreading would be ‘voiced segments’ (including the redundantly voiced glides and liquids) rather than ‘sonorant segments’. Here we have chosen for an underlying system in which voiceless stops (p, t, k) contrast with nasal consonants (m, n, ɲ, ŋ). Since nasal consonants are realized as contour consonants when tautosyllabic with an oral nucleus, the definition of the class of sonorants as the targets for the spreading of a binary [±nasal] feature allows for treating the spreading of nasality as well as the spreading of the orality of a vowel to the tautosyllabic sonorant consonants as a single operation (see for discussion and different analyses of this phenomenon, Anderson 1976, Steriade 1993, Wetzels 1995, 2008, 2009).
Data provided by:
W. Leo Wetzels
Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle/CNRS, Lab. De Phonétique et Phonologie
& VU University Amsterdam
wlm.wetzels at
Data based on acoustic evidence:
Data tested in laboratory:
Data collected:
from secondary sources
Primary source(s):
-Wiesemann, Ursula. 1964. Phonological Syllables and Words in Kaingáng. Völkerkundliche Abhandlungen. Band I. Beiträge zur Völkerkunde Südamerikas. Festgabe für Hernert Baldus zum 65. Geburtstag. Hannover, Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Abteilung für Völkerkunde:307-313.
-Wiesemann, Ursula. 1972. Die Phonologische und Grammatische Struktur der Kaingáng Sprache. Den Haag: Mouton.
-Kindell, Gloria. Kaingang Phonemics. Appendix to Wiesemann 1972.
Secondary source(s):
-Anderson, Stephen, 1976. Nasality and the Internal Structure of Segments. Language,52:326-344.
-Davis, Irvine. 1968. Some Macro-Jê Relationships. IJAL, 34:42-47.
-D'Angelis, Wilmar da Rocha. 1999. Gradient Versions of Pre-, Post- and Circum-Oralized Consonants in Kaingang (Brazil). ICPhS99. San Francisco: 1043-45.
-Milliken, Stuart R. 1988. Protosyllables: A Theory of Underlying Syllable Structure in Nonlinear Phonology. Unp. Diss. Cornell University.
-Steriade, Donca. 1993. Closure, Release and Nasal Contours. M. Huffman, and R. Krakow (eds.). Nasal, Nasalization and the Velum. Phonetics and Phonology, Volume 5. Academic Press: 401-70.
-Wetzels, Leo. 1995. Contornos nasais e estrutúra silábica em Kaingang. Leo Wetzels(ed.) Estudos fonológicos das línguas indígenas brasileiras.Rio de janeiro:Editora UFRJ.
-Wetzels, W.Leo. 2008. ‘Thoughts on the Phonological Definition of Nasal/Oral Contour Consonants in Some Indigenous Languages of South-America’. Revista ALFA 52(2): Abordagens em Fonética e Fonologia: estudos auditivos, acústicos e perceptivos; modelos de análise fonológica de ontem e de hoje.
-Wetzels, W.Leo. 2009. ‘Word Prosody and the Distribution of Oral/Nasal Contour Consonants in Kaingang’. In Eithne Carlin and Simon van de Kerke (eds.) Linguistics and Archaeology in the Americas: The Historization of Language and Society: Brill Publishers, Leiden, The Netherlands.