Details for: Itunyoso Trique
Language:
Itunyoso Trique
Alternative names:
Dialect of:
Trique
People:
Trique, Triqui
Genetic affiliation:
Oto-Manguean: Mixtecan
Region:
Mexico
Latitude:
0
Longtitude:
0
Number of speakers:
2554
Quote:
There are two phonological processes which affect nasalization in Itunyoso Trique. First, in final syllables, there is a process of progressive nasalization, whereby a close vowel is nasalized following a nasal consonant in the onset. As a result, the oral and nasal vowels, /i/ ∼ // and /u/ ∼ /u ̃ /, neutralize in this environment. The non-close vowels, /e a o/, do not nasalize in this envi- ronment. Secondly, there is a process where nasalization will spread leftward across the word.

Such spreading occurs in any of the following four contexts: (i) with no intervening consonant, e.g. [tʃáĩ 3.3] ‘mosquito’; (ii) with an intervening glottal consonant, /ʔ/, e.g.[jʔh3]‘woman’;
2)3 3)2 (iii) with an intervening phonological glide, /β j/, e.g.[ na ̃ β ̃ı ]‘tobecome’,[ku ̃ ju ̃ʔ ]‘Friday’; and (iv) with an intervening glottalized glide, /ʔj ʔβ/, e.g. [k ̃ı3ʔj)ə ̃h3] ‘party’. Nasalization never spreads across an intervening nasal consonant. As a result of this spreading, it is rare to find /β/ surfacing before a nasal vowel; the consonant has merged with /m/.

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Syllable types:
CV, CVV, CVC, CCV, CCVC
Ambisyllabicity:
Restrictions on single onsets:
No /h/; /h/ may only be a coda.
Restrictions on onset clusters:
The only permitted consonant clusters are those with /s/ or /r/ + stop, e.g. /st/, /sk/, /skw/, /sn/, /rt/, /rk/, /rkw/, /rm/. No other clusters are permitted.
Restrictions on single codas:
The only possible codas are /h/ and /ʔ/.
Restrictions on coda clusters:
No coda clusters
Voiced-voiceless stop contrast:
no
Nasal contrast on consonants:
yes
Nasal-voiced stop contrast:
Nasal-voiced stop contrast restrictions:
Contrast btwn nas stops & pre-nas voiced stops, but only occurs w/ alveolar nasals (/nd/ v. /n/). No pre-nas bilab stop. No velar or labialized velar nasal stops, but there are pre-nas velar & a pre-nasalized labialized velar stops.
Nasal-voiceless stop contrast:
yes
Nasal-voiceless stop contrast restrictions:
This contrast occurs across the board.
Nasal-oral vowel contrast:
yes
Nasal-oral vowel contrast restrictions:
Nasal assimilation:
yes
Directionality:
regressive
Trigger segments class:
some nasal vowels
Trigger segments list:
ə̃, ĩ, ũ
Conditions on trigger segments:
Nasal vowels trigger nasalization on preceding vowels and glides. Nasalized vowels are restricted to word-final syllables.
Target segments class:
vowels
Target segments list:
i, u
Conditions on target segments:
nasal consonants trigger nasalization on following high vowels: i, u
Nasal harmony:
yes
Domain of spreading:
etc.
Directionality:
right to left
Valence:
Trigger segments class:
nasal consonants
Trigger segments list:
m, m:, n, n, ʔm
Conditions on trigger segments:
Target segments class:
some vowels, glides
Target segments list:
/i/, /a/, /u/, /j/, /β/
Conditions on target segments:
These preceding vowels are often the same quality as the triggering vowel. Glides became nasal variants, e.g. /j/ becomes a palatal nasal, /β/ becomes /m/.
Transparent segments class:
-
Transparent segments list:
Blockers class:
nasals, obstruents
Blockers list:
below
Prenasalization of blockers:
yes
Postnasalization of blockers:
no
Nasal morphemes:
no
Commutation level:
segment
Spreading source:
Floating nasal:
no
Stylistic conditions:
Adjacency conditions:
Contour segments:
yes
Source of contour segments:
Examples of contour segments:
Comments:
BLOCKERS: t(:) k(:) kw(:) ts tʃ(:) ʈʂ(:) s ʃ nd ng ngw l(:) r ʔm ʔn ʔnd ʔng ʔl ʔr
SOURCE OF CONTOUR SEGMENTS: This is debated. Iverson & Salmons (1996) argue that pre-nasalization is an effect of hypervoicing in Mixtecan languages. Marlett (1992) argues that one must think of these consonants as underlying nasals that occur with a following oral vowel. In Marlett's analysis, there is an underlying contrast between oral and nasal vowels following nasal consonants. In Iverson and Salmons' analysis, there is nasal spreading from onset nasals and a surface neutralization between oral and nasal vowels after a nasal consonant.
Anomalous segments:
also /j:/
also /β:/
also /ʈʂ:/
Consonant examples:
Oral vowel examples:
Nasal vowel examples:
Stress rule(s):
Stem-final syllables are heavy and phonetically long.
Stress source(s):
DiCanio, C. T. (2008). The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique. PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley.
Remarks:
Data provided by:
Christian DiCanio
Affiliation:
Université Lumière Lyon 2
Email:
cdicanio at gmail.com
Data based on acoustic evidence:
Data tested in laboratory:
Data collected:
Primary source(s):
DiCanio, C. T. (2008). The Phonetics and Phonology of San Martín Itunyoso Trique. PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley.
DiCanio, C. T. (2010). Illustrations of the IPA: San Martín Itunyoso Trique. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40(2):227–238.
DiCanio, C. T. (to appear). The Phonetics of Fortis and Lenis Consonants in Itunyoso Trique. International Journal of American Linguistics, 47 p.
Secondary source(s):
Comments: